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昂山素姬是否令人失望?(中)

2017/9/8 — 18:33

資料圖片:昂山素姬 圖片來源:nobelwomensinitiative.org

資料圖片:昂山素姬 圖片來源:nobelwomensinitiative.org

前言

本文的資料來自昂山素姬倡議,受到到政府(軍方主導)授命的《顧問委員會最後報告》(TOWARDS A PEACEFUL, FAIR AND PROSPEROUS FUTURE FOR THE PEOPLE OF RAKHINE  Final Report of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State) 和聯合國在2013年的有關緬甸的難民營報告  ( RAKHINE RESPONSE PLAN (MYANMAR) July 2012 - December 2013 ) (連結),資料來源的爭議性應該不大。

歷史背景

廣告

緬甸若開邦在14世紀曾是一個富強的獨立王國,二次受到英國殖民地統治。英國人為了種米,從引入了大量穆斯林勞工,到現在穆斯林佔當地人口的三分之一。穆斯林與當地的佛教徒大致相安無事(註一)。

2012

廣告

2012發生了一次嚴重的兩派衝突,導到134 穆斯林和 58 當事人死亡(註二)。但穆斯林受害者不成比例地高。8千多所被燒的房子有86%的屬於穆斯林。

While both communities were hit hard by the violence, destruction to private property was highly asymmetric, as 7,422 out of 8,614 destroyed houses (about 86 percent) belonged to Muslims.

區內難民營

這次事件導到區內各大城市的穆斯林(約12萬人口)被放逐至約76個集中營(註四)。

The events in 2012 represented a comprehensive disentanglement of the two communities. Muslims (including Kamans) were largely pushed out of the main cities of the state – including Sittwe, Kyawkpyuh, Myebon, Kyawktaw and Mrauk U – and more than 130,000 were confined to IDP camps (where around 120,000 remain)

今次事件令筆者關注到IDP和IDP camps的存在。所謂IDP是“國內流離失所者”或“由於戰爭、政治迫害等被迫離開原居住地或本國的難民”。在今次事件所在的若開邦,它的出現是很近代的事,始於2012年,而它的規模很廣泛,差不多將若開邦的所有穆斯林放到那裡。聯合國在2012年有專題報告關注此事(註五)。http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Snapshot_Rakhine_UNOCHA_12_Aug2013.pdf

聯合國報告表示:這批國內難民差不多完全依賴聯合國的人道救援生活,但部份營地的周邊環境太差,連聯合國救援隊都不想繼續。

These challenges include protests and the disruption of humanitarian activities, as well as pressure on staff from their community and a resulting fear or reluctance to work for certain IDPs

《顧問委員會最後報告》清楚地說出這批難民營的問題。它包括生活環境很差

living conditions in the camps remain poor, with overcrowded shelters and inadequate access to services and livelihood opportunities. ;

若開邦的穆斯林被不斷邊緣化和失去基本權利

Through this process of gradual marginalization, Muslims in Rakhine have ended up in a particularly vulnerable position, almost entirely deprived of political influence or representation and living under severe restrictions which affect basic rights and many aspects of their daily lives. ;

特別要注意的是,政府沒有方法解決難民營問題。

Efforts to facilitate the return or relocation of IDPs have shown little progress

《顧問委員會最後報告》要求關閉所有難民營。

The Commission reiterates that the Government of Myanmar should prepare a comprehensive strategy towards closing all IDP camps in Rakhine State.

立論一

從事件看來,若開邦當局不喜歡當地約3分之一人口的穆斯林居住在那裡。由於難民營沒有流動自由。被放進去的穆斯林沒有經濟能力,成了一負擔。緬甸政府也無計可施。

今次事件已迫使大部份難民營內的穆斯林逃到鄰國,又由於他們大部份是沒有身份人士,不能遣反回緬甸,因而實質地解決了難民營問題。

若真如此,當地保安力量蓄意做成的暴力和恐慌,便成了有跡可尋。況且,真接原因的2016年穆斯林武裝所做成的17名政府保安死亡,又不是計對平民佛教徒,不足以合比例地觸發如此規模的報復。

Some members of the Rakhine community were also forced to flee. Violence seemed to peak in mid-November, when clashes allegedly left 69 insurgents and 17 security forces dead (註六)

 

-------未完,待續-----

備註

註一

History 

Rakhine State – separated from the rest of Myanmar by a rugged chain of mountains – has for most of its history been a distinct political entity. While there are records of independent kingdoms since antiquity, the final Rakhine kingdom was established in 1430, with its capital in Mrauk U. Situated on the border between Buddhist and Muslim Asia, the kingdom had strong economic, trade and other relations with the Sultanate of Bengal. For the next 350 years, Mrauk U thrived as a prosperous trading hub, until it came under Burmese control in 1784-85. The annexation of Rakhine was shortlived, as the First Anglo-Burmese War (1824-1826) brought the area under British control and subsequent incorporation into British India.

From the 1880s to the 1930s, the size of the Muslim community (as part of the total population of the state) seems to have doubled, increasing from about 13 to 25 percent.2 Since then, the relative increase of the Muslim population has slowed down significantly, and is now estimated to be around a third of the state’s total population.

註二

 In 1942-43, during the chaotic circumstances of the Anglo-Japanese war, both communities suffered from violence and widespread displacement. More recently, in June and October 2012, the state was again marked by large-scale inter-communal violence, during which at least 192 people were killed (134 Muslims and 58 Rakhines). While both communities were hit hard by the violence, destruction to private property was highly asymmetric, as 7,422 out of 8,614 destroyed houses (about 86 percent) belonged to Muslims.3 Moreover, more than 95 percent of the approximately 140,000 IDPs generated by the conflict were Muslims, of which around 120,000 still remain in squalid IDP camps. In several areas – including the centre of Sittwe and Kyawkpyuh – most Muslims were forced to leave.

While there has been a Muslim community in Rakhine since before the Burmese invasion, its size increased rapidly during colonial times. British colonial policies to expand rice cultivation in Rakhine required significant labour, a need which was largely filled by Muslim workers from Bengal. While many came on a seasonal basis, some settled down permanently – altering the ethnic and religious mix of the area. From the 1880s to the 1930s, the size of the Muslim community (as part of the total population of the state) seems to have doubled, increasing from about 13 to 25 percent.2 Since then, the relative increase of the Muslim population has slowed down significantly, and is now estimated to be around a third of the state’s total population.

At different times – and with varying intensity – both Rakhines and Muslims have sought to advance their political agendas through armed struggle against the central government. Shortly after Myanmar’s independence in 1948, a Muslim “mujahidin” rebellion erupted in Rakhine, demanding equal rights and an autonomous Muslim area in the north of the state. While the rebellion was eventually defeated, the Rohingya Solidarity Organization (RSO) revived the armed struggle in the 1980s, but lost its military potency in the late 1990s. When Harakat al-Yakin (later Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA)) attacked Government security forces on 9 October 2016, it was one of the largest Muslim attacks on Government forces in living memory. On the Rakhine side, non-state armed groups of both nationalist and communist stripes have fought the Myanmar Army since independence. Today, the strongest Rakhine insurgency movement is the Arakan Army (AA), which was founded in Kachin in 2009, and which gradually has expanded its presence and operational capabilities in Rakhine. Over the past years, dozens of Myanmar security personnel have reportedly been killed by AA.

To some extent, inter-communal conflict in Rakhine is a clash of narratives. As noted by the Commission, both Rakhines and Muslims draw extensively on historical events to legitimize political claims and to demonstrate protracted victimhood and historical injustices. Regretfully, these narratives are often exclusive and irreconcilable, ignoring the fears and grievances of the other community.

註四

4.     INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS (IDPS) 35

國內流離失所者

由於戰爭、政治迫害等被迫離開原居住地或本國的)難民

The events in 2012 represented a comprehensive disentanglement of the two communities. Muslims (including Kamans) were largely pushed out of the main cities of the state – including Sittwe, Kyawkpyuh, Myebon, Kyawktaw and Mrauk U – and more than 130,000 were confined to IDP camps (where around 120,000 remain).

Through this process of gradual marginalization, Muslims in Rakhine have ended up in a particularly vulnerable position, almost entirely deprived of political influence or representation and living under severe restrictions which affect basic rights and many aspects of their daily lives. While some of these restrictions are based on legislation, others derive from local orders and regulations, often issued by local security officials. Some 120,000 members of the community – including some who hold valid citizenship documents – remain confined to IDP camps

Approximately 120,000 Muslims are confined to IDP camps throughout the state, a result of the violence in 2012 (a smaller number of Rakhines also became IDPs as a result of the violence). Efforts to facilitate the return or relocation of IDPs have shown little progress

In the meantime, living conditions in the camps remain poor, with overcrowded shelters and inadequate access to services and livelihood opportunities. When shelters were constructed in 2012, they were built to last 2-3 years, and many are now in urgent need of repair or replacement. While IDPs wait for the opportunity to return or relocate, the Government – assisted by international partners – must ensure adequate living conditions in the camps. For this purpose, greater investments are needed

Recommendations:

24. The Commission reiterates that the Government of Myanmar should prepare a comprehensive strategy towards closing all IDP camps in Rakhine State. The strategy should be developed through a consultation process with affected communities, and contain clear timelines. It should also contain plans for the provision of security and livelihood opportunities at the site of return/relocation.

註五

RAKHINE

RESPONSE PLAN

(MYANMAR)

July 2012 - December 2013

United Nations

連結

Since June 2012 humanitarian agencies have faced multiple challenges resulting from communities’ perceptions of bias in the delivery of assistance towards particular groups of beneficiaries over others. These challenges include protests and the disruption of humanitarian activities, as well as pressure on staff from their community and a resulting fear or reluctance to work for certain IDPs

註六

The situation is particularly urgent in northern Rakhine State, where an emerging militant group attacked three Border Police posts on 9 October 2016, and where subsequent military and police operations led to tens of thousands of Muslims fleeing across the border to Bangladesh.

The security situation in Rakhine State deteriorated sharply after  9 October 2016, when armed attacks on the Border Guard Police in Maungdaw Township resulted in the loss of life of members of the security forces. The attacks were purportedly carried out by a Muslim armed group called Harakat al-Yaqin (later renamed Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army), which, according to some analysts, has ties to Rakhine Muslim émigrés residing in Saudi Arabia.1 The group overran a security post north of Maungdaw Town, seizing weapons and ammunition. During the subsequent military and police operation, violence and destruction of private property led to a significant number of Muslims fleeing across the border to Bangladesh. Some members of the Rakhine community were also forced to flee. Violence seemed to peak in mid-November, when clashes allegedly left 69 insurgents and 17 security forces dead.

發表意見